In German, past participles not only occur in root position with a directive force, as in Stillgestanden! ‘Stop!’ lit. ‘stood still(ptcp)’, but also as performatives in responses: A: Du sagst also nichts zu Papi. ‘So you won’t tell dad.’ B: Versprochen! ‘I promise!’ lit. ‘promised(ptcp)’. Here B performs the speech act denoted by the verb by saying that it has been performed. The propositional argument of the participle (what is promised) is resolved contextually, and the agent and the recipient arguments are restricted to the speaker and the hearer, respectively. This article presents a syntactic analysis of this rarely studied phenomenon, arguing that the construction with a performative participle is not ellipsis but an IP with a participial head and null pronominal complements. The syntactic analysis is formalized within Lexical-Functional Grammar. A pragmatic analysis is proposed arguing that the performative participle in its core use alternates with Yes! to express agreement with an assertion or compliance with a request, that is, to express consent to the effect that a proposition p may safely be added to the Common Ground. This analysis is cast within the dialogue framework of Farkas & Bruce (2010) and extended to response performative participles in monological uses.*

中文翻译：

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论德语过去分词的施法使用

在德语中，过去分词不仅出现在带有指示力的词根位置，如静止不动！'停止！' 点燃。'静止不动（ptcp)'，但也作为响应中的述行：A：Du sagst 也 nichts zu Papi。“所以你不会告诉爸爸的。” 乙：弗斯普罗兴！'我承诺！' 点燃。'承诺（ptcp)'。这里 B 通过说它已经被执行来执行由动词表示的言语行为。分词的命题论证（承诺的内容）是根据上下文来解决的，代理和接受者的论证分别限于说话者和听者。本文对这种很少研究的现象进行了句法分析，认为带有执行分词的结构不是省略号，而是带有分词头和空代词补语的 IP。句法分析在词法功能语法中被形式化。提出了一个务实的分析，认为其核心用法中的执行分词与是的！表示同意断言或遵守请求，即表示同意可以将命题 p 安全地添加到共同点。这种分析是在 Farkas & Bruce (2010) 的对话框架内进行的，并扩展到了独白使用中的响应执行分词。 *