I argue that a range of morphological phenomena sensitive to features of multiple arguments in Georgian (South Caucasian)—including Anti-Superiority ef- fects (Béjar 2003 ), and omnivorous number effects (Nevins 2011 ) – receive a unified account if spellout targets contiguous spans of maximally simple heads, in a fixed hierarchy. I introduce new data from a related language, Laz, and show that a close comparison of the two languages reveals that (i) number agreement is expressed om- nivorously only if the prefix is not sensitive to number, and that (ii) this number expression covaries with Tense only if the subject is third person. I argue that both Anti-Superiority and the facts about number expression should be interpreted as fu- sional morphology being limited to third person contexts, and that a principled expla- nation for such an asymmetry can be provided, if first and second person structurally contain third person, and the matching of exponents with syntactic structure is gov- erned by Overspecification (Starke 2009 ), such that a lexicalized span is a candidate of spellout for its sub-spans.

中文翻译：

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南高加索协议中的跨度

我认为，一系列对格鲁吉亚语（南高加索语）中的多个参数的特征敏感的形态学现象——包括反优越效应（Béjar 2003）和杂食性数字效应（Nevins 2011）——如果拼写目标是连续的，则会得到统一的解释。在固定层次结构中的最大简单头部的跨度。我引入了来自相关语言 Laz 的新数据，并表明对这两种语言的密切比较表明：（i）只有当前缀对数字不敏感时，数字一致性才被普遍表达，并且（ii）这个数字仅当主语是第三人称时，表达式才与时态共变。我认为 Anti-Superiority 和关于数字表达的事实都应该被解释为仅限于第三人称上下文的融合形态，