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French polar response particles and neg movement
Natural Language Semantics ( IF 1.524 ) Pub Date : 2020-08-31 , DOI: 10.1007/s11050-020-09164-w
Jérémy Pasquereau

I present new data from European French involving embedded polar response particles (a.k.a. yes/no particles) in response to negative questions and develop a novel proposal which integrates the insights of previous analyses (e.g. Holmberg in Lingua 128:31–50, 2013; Roelofsen and Farkas in Language 91(2):359–414, 2015). The main puzzle has to do with the interpretation of non ‘no’ (bare or followed by a clause), which may assert its antecedent or the negation of its antecedent. It is shown that the meaning of non-responses varies as a function of the scope of negation with respect to various operators in its antecedent. Polar response particles in French are analyzed as the spell-out of a Polarity head which has moved from a lower position. The various interpretations of polar response particles are modelled as being constrained by the interaction between the necessity of the movement of the Polarity head and a constraint on scope preservation. The ramifications of this proposal for related phenomena (e.g. ‘low negation’ in English, N-word responses) are then discussed.

中文翻译:

法国极地反应粒子和负运动

我提供了来自欧洲法语的新数据,这些数据涉及嵌入式的极性响应粒子(也称为“是/否”粒子),用于回答负面问题,并提出了一个新颖的提案,该提案整合了先前的分析见解(例如,林瓜岛的霍尔姆贝格128:31–50,2013;罗洛夫森和Farkas,语言91(2):359-414,2015年)。主要的难题与“否”(裸或后面有一个子句)的解释有关,后者可能会断言其先行词或否定其先行词。表明响应根据其前面的各种运算符的取反范围而变化。分析法文中的极性响应粒子,作为从较低位置移出的极性头的拼写。极性响应粒子的各种解释被建模为受极性头移动的必要性和示波器保护范围之间的相互作用的约束。然后讨论了该建议对相关现象的影响(例如英语中的“低否定”,N字响应)。
更新日期:2020-08-31
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