The 3sg pronouns “he” and “she” impose descriptive gender conditions (being male/female) on their referents. These conditions are standardly analysed as presuppositions (Cooper in Quantification and syntactic theory, Reidel, Dordrecht, 1983; Heim and Kratzer in Semantics in generative grammar, Blackwell, Oxford, 1998). Cooper argues that, when 3sg pronouns occur free, they have indexical presuppositions: the gender condition must be satisfied by the pronoun’s referent in the actual world. In this paper, we consider the behaviour of free 3sg pronouns in conditionals and focus on cases in which the pronouns’ gender presuppositions no longer seem to be indexical and project locally instead. We compare these cases to previously reported shifty readings of indexicals in so-called “epistemic conditionals” (Santorio in Philos Rev 121(3):359–406, 2012) and propose a unified account of locally projected gender presuppositions and shifty indexicals based on the idea that indicative conditionals are Kaplanian monsters.

中文翻译：

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条件中的性别

3sg 代词“他”和“她”对其所指对象施加了描述性的性别条件（男性/女性）。这些条件作为预设进行了标准分析（Cooper in Quantification and Syntactic Theory, Reidel, Dordrecht, 1983; Heim and Kratzer in Semantics in generategrams, Blackwell, Oxford, 1998）。Cooper 认为，当 3sg 代词自由出现时，它们具有索引预设：代词在现实世界中的所指对象必须满足性别条件。在本文中，我们考虑自由 3sg 代词在条件句中的行为，并关注代词的性别预设似乎不再是索引性的，而是在本地投射的情况。我们将这些案例与先前报道的所谓“认知条件”中索引词的变化阅读进行比较（Santorio in Philos Rev 121(3):359-406，