This paper offers an in-depth look at roots and verb stem morphology in Chuj (Mayan) in order to address a larger question: when it comes to the formation of verb stems, what information is contributed by the root, and what is contributed by the functional heads? I show first that roots in Chuj are not acategorical in the strict sense (cf. Borer 2005), but must be grouped into classes based on their stem-forming possibilities. Root class does not map directly to surface lexical category, but does determine which functional heads (i.e. valence morphology) may merge with the root. Second, I show that while the introduction of the external argument, along with clausal licensing and agreement generally, are all governed by higher functional heads, the presence or absence of aninternalargument is dictated by the root. Specifically, I show that transitive roots in Chuj always combine with an internal argument, whether it be (i) a full DP, (ii) a bare pseudo-incorporated NP, or (iii) an implicit object in an antipassive. In the spirit of work such as Levinson (2007, 2014), I connect this to the semantic type of the root; root class reflects semantic type, and semantic type affects the root’s combinatorial properties. This work also contributes to the discussion of how valence morphology operates. In line with works such as Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou & Schäfer (2006), I argue that valence morphology applies directly to roots, rather than to some ‘inherent valence’ of a verb.

中文翻译：

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Chuj 中的构建动词：词根性质的后果

本文深入研究 Chuj（玛雅）中的词根和动词词干形态，以解决一个更大的问题：当涉及到动词词干的形成时，词根贡献了哪些信息，以及功能头？我首先表明 Chuj 中的词根不是严格意义上的分类词根（参见 Borer 2005），而是必须根据它们形成词干的可能性进行分类。根类不直接映射到表面词汇类别，但确定哪些功能头（即价形态）可以与根合并。其次，我表明，虽然外部论点的引入以及条款许可和协议一般都由更高的职能负责人管辖，但存在或不存在内部的论据由根决定。具体来说，我表明 Chuj 中的及物词根总是与内部论元结合，无论是 (i) 一个完整的 DP，(ii) 一个裸的伪并入 NP，还是 (iii) 反被动语气中的隐含对象。本着 Levinson (2007, 2014) 等工作的精神，我将其与词根的语义类型联系起来；根类反映语义类型，语义类型影响根的组合属性。这项工作也有助于讨论价态形态如何运作。与 Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou & Schäfer (2006) 等作品一致，我认为价形态直接应用于词根，而不是动词的某些“固有价”。